Monday, September 20, 2010

Bahati’s bill: A convenient distraction for Uganda's government


Solome Nakaweesi-Kimbugwe and Frank Mugisha

2009-10-16, Issue 453

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/59556


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As Ugandan MP David Bahati spearheads a campaign around the adoption of the homophobic 'Bahati's bill', Solome Nakaweesi-Kimbugwe and Frank Mugisha call for an unwavering rejection of a piece of legislation entirely against the interests of wider Ugandan society. With strong suspicions of Bahati's financial backing by extreme-right Christian groups in the US, the bill seeks not only to establish draconian punishments for homosexual acts but also to actively encourage Ugandans to snoop on one another indefinitely for the supposed good of the nation. If homophobes like Bahati were really worried about 'protect[ing] the traditional family', Nakaweesi-Kimbugwe and Mugisha argue, they'd concern themselves with tackling the conditions keeping so many Ugandans in poverty, rather than making scapegoats of homosexual people. The authors conclude that with an election approaching in 2011, the momentum behind the bill smacks of a none-too-subtle attempt to divert attention away from Uganda's true issues.
BAHATI’S 'ANTI-HOMOSEXUALITY BILL'

On 14 October 2009 the Hon. David Bahati (MP, Ndorwa County West, Kabale) tabled a private-members bill before the Ugandan parliament titled the 'Anti-Homosexuality Bill'. When it was tabled, the Minister for Ethics and Integrity Dr James Nsaba Butoro made a strong statement in support of the bill and for the greater sanction of individuals and organisations supporting homosexuality. The bill is aimed at increasing and expanding penalties for 'homosexual acts' and for all institutions (including NGOs, donors and private companies) who defend the rights of people who engage in sexual relations with people of the same gender. The bill also calls for Uganda to withdraw from all international treaties and conventions which support the rights of lesbians, gays and bisexuals, introduces extradition arrangements for Ugandan citizens who perform 'homosexual acts' abroad, and includes legal penalties for people who fail to report alleged homosexual acts or individuals and institutions that promote homosexuality or same-sex marriage to the authorities. The death penalty is mandated for HIV-positive people who engage in sex with people of the same gender. The tabling of the bill has been accompanied by threats against any Ugandan media organisation that allows LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender) Ugandans to air their views or publish press statements.

Bahati’s bill is an alarmingly retrogressive piece of legislation, aimed at legalising hatred against a section of the Ugandan citizenry, but also importantly at controlling and censoring dissent and open public debate. In legal terms, the bill would set a precedent for state authorities to control rights to freedom of expression, freedom of thought and freedom of association for state and non-state actors. It would also set a precedent for government censorship of internal workplace and other policies of national and international institutions operating in Uganda.

The bill is clearly a diversion from the serious issues facing Uganda’s policy-makers today in the lead-up to the 2011 elections especially around livelihoods; poverty and the lack of jobs; electoral reforms; lasting solutions to the northern Uganda peace process; political conflict; ethnic tensions and the unresolved land question; high rates of violence against children and against women (perpetrated largely by heterosexual men); and the ongoing impact of HIV/AIDS. It also poses a serious threat to press and academic freedom, human rights activism overall, and indeed to Uganda’s commitment to the values of human rights and democracy upheld by its own constitution and by the regional and international systems to which it belongs.

WESTERN-BACKED HOMOPHOBIA

A common claim put forward by homophobes in Uganda is that Western donors and human rights organisations are encouraging the spread of homosexuality in Uganda. Interestingly, what they never admit to is that fact that their own campaigning and mobilisation against lesbians and gay people is itself funded and supported by actors in the West, more specifically the Christian rightwing in the USA. There is evidence to suggest that support for Bahati’s bill has come from extreme-right Christians in the United States of America who are working through allied churches and parliamentarians in Uganda. In March 2009 the Family Life Network, led by Ugandan Pastor Stephen Langa (affiliated to the Kampala Pentecostal Church), hosted a workshop entitled 'Exposing the truth behind homosexuality and the homosexual agenda'. The workshop trainers included members of three American organisations well-known in US Christian rightwing circles:

- Scott Lively, co-founder of the hate group Watchmen on the Walls and author of The Pink Swastika, a pseudo-history book claiming that militant male homosexuals helped mastermind the Nazi holocaust
- Caleb Lee Brundidge, a 'sexual reorientation' coach for the International Healing Foundation, a Christian organisation that aims to 'free' people from 'unwanted same-sex attraction'
- Don Schmierer, a board member for Exodus International, an umbrella body for Christian groups that seek to 'reform' homosexuals using Christian teachings.

Alongside the workshop, the Americans also met with MPs and influential religious actors. The Family Life Network has mobilised through churches across the country to deliver a petition to parliament calling for the introduction of stronger legislation against homosexuality. Bahati’s bill is the result.

It's worth noting that it costs a considerable amount of money, time and processes to table a private-member’s bill, which begs the question of how the MP from Kabale District is financing this process? It has also been common practice for the mushrooming pastors and churches to use homophobic attacks on opponents as a way to discredit each other and sway faithfuls.

CONTENT AND IMPLICATIONS OF BAHATI’S BILL

The tabled bill aims at increasing the scope of laws established in the British colonial era prohibiting 'carnal knowledge against the order of nature' and acts of gross indecency. These articles of the penal code and are already being used to arrest, detain and prosecute Ugandans allegedly engaging in 'homosexual acts'.

Bahati’s bill would establish legal definitions for homosexuality and homosexual acts, include explicit prohibitions for sex between men and between women, reinforce legislation against same-sex marriage, and establish a wider range of penalties for both the performance of homosexual acts and for the support of sexual rights broadly and the rights of homosexuals in particular.

Criminalising the practice of homosexuality

The bill criminalises homosexual acts, with penalties ranging from up to 10 years imprisonment for single acts of homosexual sex to life imprisonment and the death penalty for a category of crime labelled 'aggravated homosexuality'. The latter includes an HIV-positive person having sex with a person of the same gender, and same-gender sexual relations with people with disabilities and with legal minors. The offence of homosexuality includes any person who 'touches another person with the intention of committing homosexuality' (Article 2.c.), an alarmingly broad provision which is open for wide interpretation and malicious use given that the burden of proof is vague.

In criminalising sexual acts between consenting adults, the bill’s provisions directly violate the right to privacy, to equality and concepts of bodily integrity and autonomy.

Bahati’s proposed bill also supports stigma and discrimination against HIV-positive people, and would undermine years of efforts to tackle the epidemic. Uganda has been considered as a 'best practice' leader in the fight against HIV and AIDS, and has received significant amounts of international support for its HIV and AIDS programming from donors such as the Global Fund for HIV and Malaria. If passed, this leadership status would be put in serious question and has potential to down-roll the stewardship and achievements achieved thus far.

The social implications of the bill are equally problematic. The active persecution of LGBT people would lead to tremendous suffering and violence against people who are, after all, our own family members, colleagues, business partners, political and religious representatives, and friends.

Criminalising the 'promotion' of LGBT rights

Article 13 of the bill calls for up to seven years imprisonment or a monetary fine for any person or institution believed to be promoting homosexuality. Business and NGOs convicted of promoting homosexuality are liable to be de-registered. Article 14 also penalises anyone who fails to report an offence under the act, with up to three years imprisonment or a monetary fine.

The term 'promotion' includes providing office space, broadcasting and otherwise disseminating information and funding any activities deemed to support 'homosexuality and related activities'. Such a broad definition could well be used to close down institutions that the government wants to silence, especially in the run-up to the 2011 elections. For many networks, alliances and coalitions, this bill poses a threat to organising and engaging in general given that it would allow the de-registration of an entire network even if only one member has been found at fault. This is of critical concern as it would enable the censorship of national lobby groups and networks such as the national NGO forums and women's national forums, who as of now are still battling with the repressive NGO Amendment Act. This bill in essence tightens the areas of engagement that were left within the NGO act.

Under the rubric of 'promotion', the bill would legalise the censorship of broadcast and print media and the shutting-down of media houses that support discussion on the issue of homosexuality and equal rights. It would criminalise organisations providing health information for men who have sex with men. It would also require employees and managers in institutions who are aware of the sexual practices of their colleagues to report them to the authorities. Promotion could also be interpreted to include the presence of equality policies that cover LGBT staff. This has implications for any bilateral and multilateral agency in Uganda, as well as the many multinational corporations who have a legal duty to support equal opportunities for all staff. Put simply, if the bill is passed, there is a legal precedent to shut down the operations of Uganda’s bilateral donors, and of foreign corporations from Europe, North America, Brazil and other countries whose own national laws require that they support equality.

By penalising citizens for the failing to report 'suspected homosexuals' to the authorities, the bill calls for the creation of a fascist-style society where family members, service providers and colleagues are made to spy on each other. This is not the kind of Ugandan society that we want.

Jurisdiction

Articles 16 and 17 of the bill provide for the prosecution of Ugandan citizens who commit homosexual acts, as defined by the bill, in other countries. It even goes so far as to include extradition arrangements, which would require its African neighbours and other countries to send Ugandans home to face prison or even execution for voicing support for LGBT people, or for engaging in consensual sexual acts with another adult. Such extradition powers are aimed at silencing and threatening the bulk of political opponents and dissidents that have hitherto provided alternative voices and engaged on the state of governance in Uganda.

Withdrawing from international legal and policy instruments

In addition to changing national legislation, Article 18 of the bill would oblige Uganda to withdraw from any international legal or policy instrument that contradicts with 'the spirit and provisions enshrined in the Act' (Article 18.1). This would mean withdrawing from any international or African Union instrument that supports equality (which is, of course, at the foundation of all human rights law and most contemporary policy on development). This had major implications for Uganda’s membership in and commitment to international and Africa regional governance and human rights systems. It would also call into question Uganda’s eligibility for funding support for initiatives such as the Millennium Development Goals which advance the 'spirit' of equality. Also, by withdrawing, the bill’s provisions would push Uganda into the category of a pariah state, with implications on the human rights of all Ugandans regardless of sexual orientation.

MYTHS AND LIES

The justification for Bahati’s bill is built on unscientific, unverified arguments around the fact the homosexuals in Uganda 'recruit' people, including children, into changing their sexual orientation. There is no factual basis for the claim about recruiting, which has itself led to scare mongering, hate speech and arrests in Uganda.

The recruitment claims also misrepresent the situation. Homosexuals are not predators. However, homophobic members of society and the state have themselves certainly been systematically marginalising and harassing people named or identifying as 'homosexual'.

The bill states that its primary target is to 'protect the traditional family' (Article 1.1). Here again, the focus of concern is curiously placed on homosexuals and supporters of their rights, rather than on the actual threats faced by Ugandan families day to day, such as the inability of many parents to feed their children and to provide resources for them through all stages of their education. It makes no steps forward in affirming women’s rights in marriage, including comprehensive protections against domestic violence.

The bill states that its primary target is to 'protect the traditional family' (Article 1.1). Here again, the focus of concern is curiously placed on homosexuals and supporters of their rights, rather than on the actual threats faced by Ugandan families day to day, including the unacceptably high rates of domestic violence, child abuse, sexual violence, land and resource-based tensions, breakdown of traditional support and safety nets, the inability of many parents to feed their children and to resource them through all stages of education. It makes no steps forward in affirming women’s rights in marriage including comprehensive protections against domestic violence. Also, the bill in essence can't justifiably claim to strengthen families given that since the 1995 constitution, women and marginalised groups have continued to demand the implementation of existing laws and the expansion of protections against gender-based violence (including domestic violence and female genital mutilation (FGM)). The greatest irony is that for 49 years now the Ugandan Parliament has failed to enact the infamous Domestic Relations Bill (family code) that would protect families!

The bill is, its supporters claim, tabled in the interests of the health and security of Uganda’s children, adults and people with disabilities who apparently are at the mercy of predatory homosexuals. Interestingly, neither Bahati nor one of its most ardent supporters, Minister James Nsaba Butoro, have taken major steps to ensure that the many girl children and adult women sexually abused and raped in educational establishments, at home and in the streets – almost exclusively by heterosexual men – have either access to justice or health and other services to support them. If sexual abuse is their concern, why are they not lobbying for increased funding of women’s crisis centres and legal aid for victims of sexual violence? Why is the Sexual Offences Law still not in place, or indeed a national sexual harassment policy? If the protection of people with disabilities is their concern, why have they not been pushing for the Ugandan government to tackle the broad range of challenges faced by people living with disabilities? How far has Uganda gone beyond enactment of the Disability Act and affirmative action in politics for people with disabilities?

DIVERTING ATTENTION FROM THE REAL ISSUES

All of these questions point to the fact that Bahati’s bill serves as a diversionary tactic. In the run-up to the 2011 elections, many Ugandans are pushing for electoral reforms, the creation of greater space for multiparty political engagement and alternative voices. Part of the diversion tactics are thus to engage the parliament and citizenry in highly emotive 'moral debates', rather than on the real governance issues facing Uganda. The bill is one of a range of such moral debates, all targeting gender and sexuality (including issues such as homosexuality and sex-work) which will predominate parliamentary discussions and leave little or no space for the discussion of electoral law reforms. This bill, if passed, would also be an easy tool to use in the run-up to the 2011 elections to fight political opponents even within Bahati's own ruling political party as a way to 'weed' out dissent in the face of a failure of political parties to regulate their elected members in parliament. The likely targets for this are the young politicians and those who are unmarried or divorced and thus do not fall into the limited, moralistic 'approval list' of Bahati, Butoro and their allies.

WE NEED AN AFRICAN RESPONSE

Supporters of Bahati’s bill are trying to draw on the notion that calling for the imprisonment and death of people who engage in consensual sexual acts with people of the same gender is supported by 'African traditional values'. As Africans we are clear in saying that hatred is not, and has never been, a traditional African value. Our African cultures, in all their diversity, have always embraced people who are different. Our African cultures are also not relics from the past, but are changing and adapting with time. We reject the use of our African identity to support and legislate the persecution of LGBT Ugandans, their allies and anyone willing to consider the right to equality for all. Bahati’s bill is giving Africans a bad name.

As Ugandans we urge our elected representatives to vote against Bahati’s bill as a piece of legislation that would lead to the persecution, suffering and even death of our fellow Ugandans, and a move that could threaten possibilities for continued foreign investment and aid to help develop our nation. As Africans we call on our sisters and brothers to join us in voicing their support for the full equality of all Africans, and for our own national representatives to vote against a bill that supports hatred, social control and violence. This is not just a Ugandan concern. It is an African concern. Join us in calling for a vote against Bahati’s bill.

Amazing Speech by President Jakaya Kikwete of Tanzania on EAC

STATE OF THE EAST AFRICAN COMMUNITY ADDRESS BY H.E JAKAYA KIKWETE PDF Print E-mail

Kikwete AddressSPEECH BY H.E. JAKAYA MRISHO KIKWETE, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED REPUBLIC OF TANZANIA, TO THE FIFTH MEETING OF THE THIRD SESSION OF THE SECOND EAST AFRICAN LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
Parliament Buildings, Nairobi, Kenya, 25 May 2010

Rt Hon. Speaker of the East African Legislative Assembly;
Rt Hon. Kenneth Marende, Speaker of the Kenyan Parliament;
Honourable Chairperson of the Council of Ministers;
Honourable Members of the East African Legislative Assembly;
Distinguished Guests;
Ladies and Gentlemen,

I thank you, Mr. Speaker, for inviting me to address this august East African Legislative Assembly (EALA) on the State of the East African Community. I also thank the Speaker of the Kenyan Parliament Hon. Kenneth Marende for the warm words of welcome and for the gracious hospitality in allowing the EALA to use this historic chamber of his Parliament.

Mr. Speaker,
I applaud and congratulate you for the wise decision of instituting the annual State of the East African Community Address to be made by the seating Chairman of the Assembly of Heads of States of the East African Community Partner States. I am here today because of that noble decision of yours and I pray that this tradition is maintained. May I suggest that in future we do two things. Let there be a specific written report on the state of the Community to be tabled, by the Chairman before this House for discussion. And, then the Chairman’s speech in the House presenting that report. I suggest this because there are so many important things that happen in a year which cannot be covered in the limited time of the Chairman’s address.

Let me hasten to say that the East African Community is a vibrant and very strong regional integration organisation. It is ever growing from strength to strength with each passing year. Thanks to the commitment and steadfastness of the people of East Africa, their governments and, we, their leaders including you, Members of the East African Legislative Assembly, for the lofty gains made so far. I look to the future of our Community with a great sense of optimism for even greater successes.

Honourable Speaker,
The past year has been very eventful for our Community and our integration agenda. We celebrated the 10th anniversary of the establishment of the East African Community. Indeed, it was a decade of great progress as we successfully navigated our way from cooperation to integration. As you may remember, the Charter of the Establishment of the East African Community stipulates that the Customs Union will be the entry point in our integration roadmap.

December 31st, 2009 marked the successful completion of the 5-year transition period of the East African Customs Union. Beginning January 1st, 2010 East Africa became a full fledged Customs Union region. Since then, all goods produced in East Africa which conform to the agreed rules of origin principle move across the borders of the five East African Community member states duty free and without non-tariff barriers.


Honourable Speaker,
The Customs Union has had a positive impact on the economies of the Partner States contrary to the original fears that it could be otherwise. Trade has increased tremendously and all nations have benefitted. By comparison, between 2005 and 2008 intra-East African Community trade increased from USD1,847.3 million to USD 2,715.4 million. Government revenues which were feared would drop have not and, instead, there is evidence of increase.

The Customs Union has worked well for all of us so far. I am aware that there is need to do some more work to smoothen matters so as to enable it to attain optimal operational status. Fortunately, we all know what needs to be done, in this regard. I have no doubt in my mind that we will surely do the needful and get where we want to be. The only thing that is required of us is continued commitment and dedicated service to make things happen the way we want them.

Honourable Speaker,
There are three things, among the several others, that I would like to highlight. I mention these because I think they need to be given special attention. The first one is about how to fully integrate Rwanda and Burundi into the East African Customs Union. These two sister countries are late comers and they are relatively smaller economies compared to the three original East African Community countries of Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda. I am sure these need to be assisted accordingly.

The second is about how to make our region a single customs territory whereby duties for imported goods are paid at the port of entry. This way evasion of tax that could be done by some unscrupulous importers in the name of transit goods could be avoided. I am aware that elaborate systems should be put in place so that the revenues that are due to the nation where goods are destined are expeditiously and duly remitted by the collecting nation.

Honourable Speaker,
The third thing I would like to mention is the removal of infrastructure related barriers both physical and non physical. This is critical for smooth flow of trade and people of our region, who are the main actors and objects of the integration project. Good physical infrastructure such as roads, railways, ports, inland water ways, airports, energy and telecommunications are essential for a well functioning customs union and common market.

Despite the huge challenges, I am happy with our commitments to overcome them. I know and applaud the many plans and programmes to address each of the infrastructure deficit. We need to stay the course. And, we also need to do a lot more in terms of using own resources where possible and mobilisation of donor support, where feasible, for infrastructure development in East Africa. It is not possible for our nations to realise the full benefits of regional integration where there is no reliable infrastructure. For sure the markets will not be accessible, hence render all of our effort an exercise in futility.

COMMON MARKET

Honourable Speaker,
Another major milestone erected last year in our integration process is the signing of the Common Market Protocol. That act alone propelled the East African Community into the most advanced regional integration organisation on the African continent. I am glad to learn that all member states have started the process of ratification of the Protocol.

I am aware also that some have done so already and some have even gone further and deposited the instruments of ratification with the Secretary General of the East African Community. I am quite confident that come 1st July, 2010 the East African Common Market will be in place.

I am happy, also, that work is underway on the draft protocol on the establishment of the Monetary Union. I hope the negotiation process will as anticipated, be completed within the set time frames.

Honourable Speaker,
The significance of the EAC Common Market should also be viewed in the context of the emerging COMESA-EAC-SADC Tripartite arrangement whereby the three Regional Economic Communities are working towards the establishment of a Grand Free Trade Area, later a Customs Union and eventually their merger into one Economic Community. I would like to commend the Secretariats of the three RECs for the good work done so far. Consultations are now underway to hold the Tripartite Summit during this year where the Heads of State will pronounce themselves on the exact date for the commencement of the FTA.

Let me add, Mr Speaker, that through the Tripartite Arrangement, a unique collaboration has emerged to address regional infrastructure challenges. COMESA-EAC-SADC are now jointly working on mobilising resources for the development of the major transport corridors in our new expanded region. The corridors include the following: the North-South Corridor linking the port of Dar-es-Salaam and the port of Durban; the Northern Corridor linking the Mombasa Port with Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi and Eastern DRC; and the Central Corridor linking Dar-es-Salaam Port with Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi and Eastern DRC.

Under the Tripartite arrangement, plans are being made to hold an Aid for Trade Conference to identify potential resources for the development of these three corridors. A new Corridor is also under development linking the new Port at Lamu with Juba in Southern Sudan and Addis Ababa in Ethiopia. I am aware that the Kenya Government is at an advanced stage in securing funding for implementation.

DROUGHT AND FOOD SECURITY IN EAST AFRICA

Mr. Speaker,
Despite the successes we have attained in the integration process, the past year has been a very challenging one for the economic wellbeing of our countries. Firstly, there was the worst drought our region has encountered in many decades. The drought and its resultant food insecurity exposed our region to its most vulnerable state. Crops failed and pastoralists in some parts of Kenya and northern Tanzania lost a lot of their livestock. Some lost up to 60 and 70 percent of their herds.

Many of our people had to suffer the indignity of begging food as their means of livelihoods were entirely destroyed. This year, the rains are good and in some parts they have been in excess thus causing floods and their resultant damages. There will be good harvest in many areas that suffered the drought. However, the adversities we faced during 2009 were a grim reminder of our vulnerability. We need to improve on our disaster preparedness, ensure food security and pay greater attention to the environmental threats and its direct effect on the quality of lives of our people.

Honourable Speaker,
The EAC will have to place high priority on food security and agricultural development and environmental management. Following our decision at the last November Summit, the first EAC Special Summit on Food Security and Climate Change will be held this year. The Summit will focus on how best to expand agricultural production and improve agricultural productivity within our national and regional framework, as well as to set out effective measures to adapt and mitigate the effects of climate change.

The other challenge which proved to be a major threat to the economic wellbeing of our countries and people was the global economic financial crisis and slowdown. None of our countries was responsible for this problem but, we suffered adversely and continue to suffer from its effects. We have suffered from declining demand and low prices for our export as well as low tourist arrivals and low revenues as a result, GDP growth declined to less than projected.

We were faced with the daunting responsibility of rescuing and assisting the affected sectors and businesses a matter which we could not do much. There is some glimmer of hope but the great challenges remain ahead of us. We have to remain watchful. I suggest that we, in the East African Community need to find time and discuss this problem and agree on the common course of action going forward.

POLITICS AND DEMOCRACY IN EAST AFRICA

Mr. Speaker,
This year is a very important one for politics and democracy in our region. Within the coming 10 months, Burundi, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda will be holding elections. Kenya will be involved in a constitutional referendum and so will Tanzania, Zanzibar. This is both an exciting and challenging time for our region. Exciting because we have an opportunity to demonstrate to the entire world and to our own people, that democracy reigns and democratic values are taking root in our Community.

It is challenging because we have to ensure that the elections and referendums are conducted in a manner that they will be free, fair and peaceful. Experience has shown that many countries in Africa have degenerated into political crises and violence after elections. Partly this is precipitated by flaws in management of the electoral processes – but, also because some people are yet to embrace the culture of accepting defeat and acknowledging winners.

Honourable Speaker,
Entrenching democracy, democratic values and culture in our region, are critical for ensuring smooth integration as well as peace and prosperity. I congratulate this House for its strong advocacy for democracy in our region. We have to make all efforts to build the administrative capacity and muster political will to conduct free, fair and peaceful elections.

I understand that, over the years, the EALA has participated in election observation in the Partner States and contributed to the quest for strengthening democracy in our region. I also understand that the EAC Council of Ministers will examine an Electoral Observation Manual for EAC. This is a good development which I fully support. I am of the view, however, that the time has come for the East African Community to consider developing common principles and guidelines governing democratic elections in our region and ensures their observance.

CRITICAL ISSUES, CHALLENGES AND THE WAY FORWARD

Mr. Speaker,
Before I conclude, allow me to highlight some of the challenges facing the Community today and how we can work together to address them. The first relates to the need for a reliable and sustainable financing of the Community. This is a long standing issue. It assumes greater importance today because deeper integration requires higher levels of resource availability. Apart from perennial appeals to Partner States for timely remittances of contributions, it is imperative that we develop alternative mechanisms of funding the EAC. The Summit is keen on getting concrete proposals on this important matter.

The second critical challenge centres on better planning and implementation of regional programmes. It is opportune that we have just embarked on the preparation of the 4th EAC Development Strategy (2011-2016). We need to ensure, therefore, that the Strategy focuses on well selected objectives which are SMART; that is to say they are Simple, Measurable, Achievable, Realistic and Time-bound. Sometimes our resource deficit is compounded by our strategies which are very broad and unfocused. The late Mwalimu Julius Nyerere taught Tanzanians one good thing about that “Kupanga ni Kuchagua” which literally means that “to plan is to choose”. Let us be guided by this mantra in developing the 4th development strategy.

Last but not least, we need greater political will and popular participation in the Community. This involves a multi-variety of interventions by the broad spectrum of EAC stakeholders on aligning national visions, activities and strategic plans to regional integration objectives and goals. The overriding principle of a people centred integration demands that the East African regional integration process be owned by the people for it to have relevance and chance of success. As we move into the Common Market, a number of challenges will emerge requiring broad based stakeholder consultation. Our Community is people-centered so, let us make sure that we pursue broader participation in every step of the way.

Mr. Speaker,
In posing these challenges, I am also making an appeal to this Assembly to ensure that it examines these issues and comes up with ideas, strategies and programmes which can be shared with other EAC organs and institutions in making the EAC a more effective organisation. The EAC mission is definitely clear and ambitious: to maintain the momentum and build on our strengths and successes to realise higher levels of integration. We have established high goals in our regional integration agenda and let each one of us play his or her part properly in realising these goals.

AVOID DANGER TO OUR COMMUNITY

Honourable Speaker,
The successes we have attained are so precious that we must make all efforts to protect and sustain them. We must guard against reversals and for us who have the experience of a Community collapsing in 1977 have to be extra vigilant. I must acknowledge that so far, we have done well in trying to avoid the mistakes of the past which brought down the previous Community. I call upon all East Africans political leaders, journalists, opinion leaders and commentators, to avoid taking actions or making utterances that would antagonise another Partner State or their leaders and people. Such are things which erode mutual trust and confidence, which are critical for a successful regional integration project. We should realise that it is words as much as deeds, that brought down the EAC in 1977.

In fact, it is lack of mutual trust and confidence among the Partner States, that ensured because of that which precipitated the demise of the former East African Community. We must guard against repeating that mistake again. I know, there may arise differences among us but let’s find better ways of working them out. And, the best way is to sit down and talk about them. We should avoid making public statements against each other which will poison the goodwill and kill the existing spirit of brotherhood and cooperation. We must know that we cannot move forward this integration project in an atmosphere of bad faith and mistrust.

Also, as partners in a joint endeavour we should not rejoice at, or partake in engineering the setbacks of our fellow members. And, we certainly do not have to be despondent at, or downplay, the triumphs of our fellow members. If we let these things take hold, we will just move with our integration on paper, but we will have left behind the hearts and minds of our people and of our own. We will have failed as leaders because we will weaken the noble institution we are trying to build with dire consequences. We cannot afford to fail this time around. We should all say, Never and Never Again”.

In concluding, I must thank my Brother, H.E President Mwai Kibaki for the usual warm reception and hospitality. We in the EAC wish him and the brotherly people of Kenya every best wishes and God speed in the forthcoming Constitution referendum.

Mr. Speaker,
I once again thank you for your invitation and wish you and esteemed Members of the East African Assembly well as you continue to serve the interests of the East African people.
I thank you for your kind attention!